Saturday, December 14, 2019

Better Know the Impeachment Process 12.14.19 "Hearsay at Trial"


One of the issues (faux issues, really) raised by Republicans against the use of "hearsay" may come up in the Senate trial also. Given the strategy that the White House and the Senate leadership are planning, to minimize any evidence at trial at all, we can expect a lot of "hearsay." But should that bother us? Black argues not, and I'm inclined to agree, although to assume that members of the current Senate are more prudent and insightful about the credibility of evidence strikes me as--well--a stretch. Here's what Black says on the subject: 


In an ordinary trial, for example, we exclude what we call “hearsay” evidence—testimony by one witness that another person, not a witness, told the witness that something had happened. We exclude evidence of the defendant’s character, unless he himself seeks affirmatively to establish his good character. And so on through a considerable range of technicality. Here, I think, the sensible answer comes clear. These technical rules of evidence were elaborated primarily to hold juries within narrow limits. They have no place in the impeachment process. Both the House and the Senate ought to hear and consider all evidence which seems relevant, without regard to technical rules. Senators are in any case continually exposed to “hearsay” evidence; they cannot be sequestered and kept away from newspapers, like a jury. If they cannot be trusted to weigh evidence, appropriately discounting for all the factors of unreliability that have led to our keeping some evidence away from juries, then they are not in any way up to the job, and “rules of evidence” will not help. 
Black, Charles L. & Bobbitt, Philip, Impeachment: A Handbook, New Edition  (p. 18). Yale University Press. Kindle Edition. 

Sharing: Yascha Mounk on the Prospects for the Left in the US, UK, & Western Europe

WARNING: This article (link below) is an in-depth analysis by a political scientist (Yascha Mounk) about voting patterns in Western Europe, UK, and the US. It assesses the prospects for left-leaning & hard-left parties gaining against the far-right populist trend in democracies. Thus, recommended only for political junkies with an analytic bent. Highly relevant to the current contest for the Democratic presidential nomination and the prospect of success for defeating the current president and his far-right populist/plutocratic coalition.

A couple of especially thought-provoking quotes: 

Because of the longstanding ideological dominance of the center left, the only people who could offer this alternative were orthodox leftists whose political outlook had been formed in the 1960s and ’70s, like Corbyn and Mélenchon, or new populists who forged their political identity in countercultural street protests following the 2008 financial crisis, like Iglesias. For a few brief years, their novelty allowed them to gain tremendous influence and popularity. But the more voters saw of them, the less they were convinced. On closer inspection, the new protagonists of the far-left tide turned out to be no more capable of commanding a large share of the vote than their long-defunct predecessors.


 The greening of the left is also affecting the Democratic Party: While Sanders has enjoyed the loudest voice in the past years, it is politicians who combine a commitment to the free market with a robust defense of the welfare state and an emphasis on the kinds of social and cultural issues that are of pressing importance to educated city-dwellers—like Nancy Pelosi, Kamala Harris, Pete Buttigieg, or Cory Booker—who increasingly represent the party’s mainstream.

DEMOCRACYJOURNAL.ORG
The coalitions that sustained the traditional left parties in the West have collapsed. New ones can be built—but it won’t be easy.