Thursday, February 3, 2022

Responding to Carter Phipps About Climate Change: "Don't Look Up" (or Just Looking Up) Isn't Enough




 The essay I wrote below is in response to this review essay written by Carter Phipps for the Post Progressive Post website. The film "Don't Look Up" gave rise to Carter's essay, but he goes on from the film to a wider lens view of the issues of climate change. It's really a terrific consideration of the issues involved, especially regarding the hard political, economic, and ethical choices we must make. Recognizing the danger is just the first step. My essay (below) is in the manner of a concurring opinion. I very much agree with almost everything he contends, but I seek to expand upon his excellent lead. I highly recommend reading his article first, and then my response if you're so inclined.


Carter,


Thanks for your very thoughtful and considered essay about “Don’t Look Up” and your reflections that the film prompted.  You’ve written a terrific essay. It’s prompted some reflections on my part that I share below. It’s in the way of a concurring opinion, not a dissent. 


This film also strikes me as an example of preaching to the choir, which, on first reflection, seems like a waste of time. They are the saved. And yet, even those who seem among the elect suffer from periods of doubt and discouragement. Sometimes their faith, the strongest among the members of the congregation, needs reinforcement and affirmation in the face of discouragement and doubt. “Don’t Look Up” is a film for the choir members, and like you, I doubt it will serve to garner many converts. How to convert those who’ve not yet accepted the word—the reality— we speak of? This is the Cassandra problem, the challenge of the prophets. It is—and has been, in its various manifestations throughout history—a challenge of the greatest urgency in the face of imminent threats. 


I’m quite in agreement that a fundamental challenge lies in dealing with climate change and environmental degradation as a set of political issues. (Climate change is the most obvious and pressing subset of the wider issue of environmental degradation.) Climate change is a political challenge in the immediate sense as a set of concerns about the operation of political institutions. In the wider sense, political issues shade into issues of culture and its manifestations as worldviews, mass psychology and behavior, and political economies. Let me address each in turn. 


In the immediate sense, we’re dealing with a failure of American political institutions. Extreme polarization and a refusal to adapt our democracy to changing circumstances have rendered many of our institutions, especially Congress, virtually moribund. While I agree that public opinion has come around in some measure to acknowledge the reality of climate change, the conversion—to the extent some have been converted—is largely notional at this point. Many may recite the creed, but few live the faith. (And most of the credit for recent conversions must go to Mother Nature, who, with her wildfires, Derechos, droughts, heatwaves, polar vortexes, floods, tornados, and hurricanes—to mention only her loudest outbursts—deserves the credit for most recent conversions.) 


I contend that we must repair American democracy if we are to create a polity that can address the deeper, more fundamental issues raised by climate change. Of course, we must also address long-festering issues as well, such as racial equality, economic inequality, crime, immigration, etc. But if we don’t fix the fundamentals, anything else will become irrelevant.  In particular, we need to end legalized bribery (a/k/a unlimited campaign contributions), gerrymandering, the filibuster, assure ease of voting, and assure a fair and accurate count of votes. And, going further, we need to re-think the public space, which is now more virtual than physical, and consider how voices can be heard. We need to move away from rule by plebiscites and opinion polls to a greater sense of a shared dialogue and decision-making. But these are institutional and procedural changes that we need to make to avoid an authoritarian regime led by an unholy alliance of demagogues and venal elites. But we also need to go further upstream. 


Going further upstream is what the Institute for Cultural Evolution and the Post-Progressive Alliance are about at present. (I hope I have that right!) In short, I’m not sure any improvements to our governing institutions and procedures will be worth a tinker’s dam unless we come to grips with the pair of fraternal twins that haunt humanity: fear and anxiety; anger and ressentiment. These plagues upon our psyches, as collectively and individually, underlie much of the popular discontent we now witness. I suspect that these demonic twins are a part of the background noise of individuals and societies throughout human history, but sometimes they burst into the mind with the screech of a home fire alarm, overwhelming the mind and distorting thought. I believe our world is in the midst of such an outburst. The human herd is spooked by it. 


And why shouldn’t we be spooked? We know the dire predictions we face with climate change, protestations of denial or fantasies of easy-outs notwithstanding. (You’re right, denial ain’t just a river in Egypt.) We’ve seen our financial system collapse (again, for the oldest among us). And while many prosper in our economy, all too many Americans have suffered mightily. Life expectancies within some groups of Americans have declined, their deaths the result of declining communities and the entailing despair these declines generate. And, of course, their despair is spurred (“treated”) by drug pushers in the guise of physicians and drug companies.  We’ve suffered failed forever wars and are now looking at the prospect of war in Europe (again) and perhaps (again) in the Pacific.  We’ve experienced a pandemic disease that we mishandled and by our mishandling we’ve morphed it into an endemic disease—a forever disease to go with forever wars. We’ve suffered terrorist attacks on commercial, political, and military institutions by atavistic martyrs from abroad. But with greater regularity and consequence, we experience terrorist attacks on churches, synagogues, and schools (and elsewhere) by domestic terrorists—fellow Americans—who act alone and at random. We allow these terrorists to arm because we foster a culture of paranoia and a cult of gun worship. Our idolatry about guns (“Second Amendment rights”) worships a Moloch that requires the sacrifice of random human victims. We see the Capitol building sacked by barbarians at the behest of a demagogue and his henchmen (and women). The U.S. has the mightiest military ever, and we were once a beacon of freedom, hope, and security to the rest of the world. Yet on January 6, our republic was laid prostrate before the barbarians (loosely organized by the outgoing administration) as they attacked our Congress as it went through the ritual procedures of establishing the legitimacy of the newly elected government. No living persons had witnessed this kind of attack on our Constitution. And do we continue to live under the threat of nuclear Armageddon? Yes, we simply choose to believe (evidence suggesting the contrary notwithstanding) that no leader will want to trigger a nuclear Götterdämmerung. Finally, while we enjoy unprecedented economic wealth and abundance, we also know that many of us face a future where many human workers will become redundant, unneeded. Our society has increasingly realized the role of the sorcerer’s apprentice, deploying our technologies willy-nilly with little control over their courses and consequences. Fears of automation and increasing human irrelevance have led to cries of alarm for a couple of centuries, but even the boy who cried wolf eventually encountered a wolf. 


Whether we will experience any of these nightmare scenarios (and untold others), we cannot know. The future is never what it used to be. But we do know that climate change is happening now, before our eyes. We are en media res. The only remaining questions are how bad will it get (all our best efforts notwithstanding), and how effectively—peacefully, efficiently—will we make the transition to a new energy regime.  A new energy regime will certainly alter our culture, economy, and politics in significant ways. I, for one, from my comfortable middle-class life, hope that the transition proves smooth and peaceful. But the longer we wait, the more likely that radical, abrupt changes will occur, even if unbidden. Each day that passes increases the risk of greater disruption; greater disruption in our climate, our society, our economics, and our politics. Some of that disruption could pave the way for a better world, but that’s a long-shot wager. Humans don’t make wise decisions when motivated by fear, anxiety, anger, and ressentiment. Current trends in our world are toward the atavistic, the authoritarian. Our advancing technologies, without the wisest guidance, are as likely to enslave us as to liberate us. We can still—I think, I hope—steer our great ship away toward a safe harbor, but time is running out. Our ship, our nation, our world, cannot turn quickly. We cannot put on the brakes—a ship has no brakes, only more or less momentum. Our size and momentum allow only for gradual turns. We cannot zigzag like a speed boat. We must seek safe harbor before we take we suffer irreparable damage. 


So how do we do this? How do we make the changes, the deep changes, that are required of us? How do we persuade people to invest in creating a livable future? How do we disarm the fear, anxiety, anger, and resentment? How do we curb the greed, indolence, and indifference among the elites? 


I don’t know. Like most of life’s great problems and challenges, there is no single answer. Only possible answers, tentative answers, best bets. For me, for all of us, the evidence of the reality of climate change is beyond a reasonable doubt. A failure to act on our part would constitute a criminal act; an act done intentionally, with malice aforethought. We are beyond negligence in this case; ignorance of the risk and its likely consequences isn’t an available defense. We have no justification for inaction. But what then is our remedy? What judgment should we render? Here we can only act, test, and revise. 


At the present, no remedy should be off the table. Quickly taper fossil fuel use, of course. Put a price on carbon with a dividend of the proceeds paid to everyone to prevent an undue burden on low and middle-income families. Pursue nuclear power innovations. Consider geoengineering and carbon sequestration. (I’m skeptical, but pursue them.) Use the market as well as the political sphere. Consider a new ethic for a new era that will likely have less abundant energy than we’ve experienced in our lifetimes. How can we fairly and efficiently distribute what will likely prove a less abundant resource (energy)? Again, we’ll need not only to pursue technological innovations, but also innovations in our culture, our economy and economic thinking, and in our ethics and politics, our practices and institutions. 


It is possible, just possible, that we—humanity—and this Earth, this oasis of life with which we are entrusted, might just come out on the other side of this crisis with a better world. It’s a long shot, but it’s worth the effort. But we need to start now. Right now. 


Thoughts 3 Feb. 2022

 


[W]hat allowed the Industrial Revolution to be such a success? The answer is sixfold. First, most obvious, it began with an abundance of high-grade resources. Second, the original bads, such as industrial waste, were relatively small compared to the atmosphere or the rivers into which they were discharged. The harm did not go unnoticed, but the damage seemed minor compared to the benefits. Third, the benefits and costs of industrialization were not distributed equally. The industrialists and their allies profited greatly, the natural world and the poor, disadvantaged, or colonized paid the price. Fourth, due to inertia in the system, a major portion of the costs of industrialization were shoved into the future. As with the climate regime, the effect of current industrial activity does not always become apparent until decades later. Hence grandchildren pay for the ecological sins of grandparents. Fifth, even the slowest rate of growth is exponential. Thus the absolute amount of both goods and bads grows steadily over time, doubling and doubling again until the burden of bads becomes impossible to sustain. Finally, sixth, economic growth involves an inescapable increase in complexity whose management requires ever more time, energy, resources, and money—a burden that, again, grows larger over time, forcing the society to run harder and harder just to stay in the same place.
That industrial civilization is being strangled by a slowly tightening noose of ecological scarcity has been apparent to anyone who cares to examine the evidence without prejudice. Sadly, this patent reality continues to be mostly denied in societies made up largely of the passively uninformed and the passionately misinformed.

Regrettably we would rather speak falsely, if doing so means we do not seem to contradict ourselves: we realise that it is much simpler for our point of view to be dismissed as self-contradictory than untrue.

[W]e are under almost irresistible pressure to adopt a view consistent with one hemisphere’s take or the other: it is too risky to draw, as we should, on both. And second, one of these takes, namely that of the left hemisphere, is very much simpler – indeed it is simplistic; and therefore far easier to articulate. It sees matters as black and white, ‘either/or’. The right hemisphere sees the nuances, as well as that we often must embrace two superficially incompatible truths in a ‘both/and’ – one, moreover, that includes embracing both its own take and that of the left hemisphere: altogether a far harder, and more complex, view to articulate.

This activism [left progressivism] shifted the scene from blighted urban neighborhoods and prisons to human resources departments, anti-bias training sessions, and BIPOC reading lists. It was less interested in social reform than a revolution in consciousness. The pandemic almost disappeared from mind as millions of white people experienced the kind of collective moral awakening that comes over Americans in different periods of our history. These awakenings can take on the contours of religious experience, a particularly American one—sin, denunciation, confession, atonement, redemption, heresy hunting, book burning, and the dream of paradise. Moral awakenings leap backward over the worldly philosophers of the eighteenth century, the secular and rationalist Founding Fathers, to our origins in the Puritan ancestors.

In my opinion, intuition is our most valuable compass in this world. It is the bridge between the unconscious and the conscious mind, and it is hugely important to keep in touch with what makes it tick.

Time and again, the same pattern emerged. Those who spent a higher percentage of their income on others were far happier than those who spent it on themselves.



Wednesday, February 2, 2022

Thoughts 2 Feb. 2022

 


This division of attention [between the two hemispheres of the brain] works to our advantage when we use both. However, it is a handicap – in fact, it is a catastrophe – when we use only one.

Surely we all use our brains as a whole, not just one hemisphere? Naturally, this is almost invariably the case. My point is a different one: that each hemisphere has inevitably a distinctive ‘take’ on the structure of the world, which is why we have two hemispheres at all. And each ‘take’ appears, when pondered in the abstract, strictly speaking incompatible with the other. They are each internally consistent, but mutually incompossible.

[I]n 2017, 25 years after the original warning, 15,364 scientists from 184 countries signed World Scientists’ Warning to Humanity: A Second Notice. It’s message was blunt: industrial civilization was courting catastrophe and needed a total makeover.

As [Ivan] Illich warned, industrial man has become a slave to his energy slaves, totally addicted to the industrial production of goods and services and unable to envision any other way of life.

The essential meaning of entropy for human life was well stated by Carl Jung: “Everything better is purchased at the price of something worse.”

Like so many others, I had become preoccupied with the Anthropocene, a transformation driven by capitalist economic growth that puts in question the very separation between natural and human history.

Ockham is now best known for the principle of economy in reasoning known as Ockham’s Razor. This is a misnomer for two reasons. First, he did not originate it; there is the inevitable origin in Aristotle. The phrase “We consider it a good principle to explain the phenomena by the simplest hypotheses possible” is in Ptolemy. Formulations like “It is vain to do with more what can be done with fewer” and “A plurality is not to be posited without necessity” are Scholastic commonplaces from the early thirteenth century. Second, though he does repeat these ideas frequently, Ockham’s own contribution is more to restrict the operation of the principle, in the interests of God’s absolute power: “God does many things by means of more which He could have done by means of fewer, simply because He wishes it, and no other cause is to be sought. From the very fact that He wishes it, it is done suitably, and not in vain.”

“Historians,” he writes, “instinctively stop the backward search for the ultimate cause at the point where the state of affairs, whose alteration they seek to explain, flourished.”19 This is a rather clumsy way of stating, for history, a principle paleontologists have more elegantly called punctuated equilibrium.

We do not accept a false choice between individual rights and collective responsibility. We say you can have both. You can’t have either unless you have both. And to win, you must have both. With inalienable rights come inalienable responsibilities.

“Conscious evolution” is a term that can be used in many different ways, but [Barbara Marx] Hubbard captures the broad strokes of its meaning in what she calls “the three C’s:”—new cosmology, new crises, and new capacities.

I have shown that into every act of knowing there enters a passionate contribution of the person knowing what is being known, and that this coefficient is no mere imperfection but a vital component of his knowledge.

A third group that could object to the forging of a national unity is made up of those who do not want one of the perquisites of that, a strong federal government. These may be the most vociferous of all, since they think of themselves as Jeffersonian in a sense that denies all but local authority. They may feel betrayed, like the crestfallen fan: "Say it ain't so, Joe." Jefferson is not supposed to have done what he did. That was, in fact, John Randolph's refrain much of the time. But Jefferson's large vision could not be contained in the little boxes of his first commitment. The finally liberating thing about Jefferson is that he was not a Jeffersonian in that initial (one may call it that Albert Jay Nock) sense. Like most great figures, he was larger than his devotees would like.
And, one may add, that he was larger than his detractors would like. Jefferson was a very complex and often internally contradictory individual.



Monday, January 31, 2022

Thoughts 31 Jan. 2022

 



I argued in 1977 that the relatively open, egalitarian, individualistic, and libertarian societies prevailing in the modern world were the luxuriant fruit of an era of unparalleled ecological abundance occasioned first by Europe’s appropriation of the New World’s mostly untapped resources and then by the exploitation of first coal and then petroleum.

[Harrison] Brown’s larger point [published in 1954] was that political, social, and economic systems are decisively shaped by the quantity and quality of the available resources, especially the energy resources that are the sine qua non for exploiting every other resource. This was spelled out in more detail by Fred Cottrell in 1955. Using an array of historical examples, he showed that the availability of energy effectively determined the nature and fate of societies. And as the resource base on which it depended deteriorated, industrial civilization would experience a decline in the “net amount of surplus energy.”3 This would compel a painful regression to the mean that existed before the age of fossil fuels—i.e., an agrarian civilization.
Along these same lines, other authors—myself in 1977 and William Catton in 1980—used prose to describe the same predicament: overshoot followed inevitably by collapse unless major remedial actions were taken decisively and soon.

In the . . . the right hemisphere version [of reality], as in the world the map represents, and in the world revealed to us by physics, by poetry, and simply by the business of living, things are almost infinitely more complex. Nothing is clearly the same as anything else. All is flowing and changing, provisional, and complexly interconnected with everything else. Nothing is ever static, detached from our awareness of it, or disembodied; and everything needs to be understood in context, where, if it is not to be denatured, it must remain implicit.

Long before we had anything other than the most rudimentary knowledge of hemisphere difference, a number of philosophers – Pascal, Spinoza, Kant, Goethe, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, Bergson and Scheler among them – were able to intuit that there are two fundamentally distinct ways in which we approach the world, what Bergson called ‘two different orders of reality’. I would tentatively suggest that many of the great questions of philosophy in fact turn on which one you choose, an idea I explore throughout the rest of this book. One way of looking at paradox is as an indicator that we are dealing with two apparently valid world-pictures which yet do not concur.


Is There a Method for Reasoning? Reasoning, as we have described it so far, is rather limited. Humans reason when they are trying to convince others or when others are trying to convince them. Solitary reasoning occurs, it seems, in anticipation or rehashing of discussions with others and perhaps also when one finds oneself holding incompatible ideas and engages in a kind of discussion with oneself. Just as with justifications, the production of arguments proceeds by means of backward inference, from a favored conclusion to reasons that would support it.


Liberal science, by contrast, separates the idea from the person. The critical method, Popper said, “consists in letting our hypotheses die in our stead.” In other words, we kill our hypotheses instead of each other.


“Do it every day for a while,” my father kept saying. “Do it as you would do scales on the piano. Do it by prearrangement with yourself. Do it as a debt of honor. And make a commitment to finishing things.”

In the first place, there can be no living science unless there is a widespread instinctive conviction in the existence of an Order of Things, and, in particular, of an Order of Nature. I have used the word instinctive advisedly.

Evolutionary spirituality is evolution-inspired, world-embracing, and future-oriented. It is a creative, anticipatory spiritual path in which salvation, however we define that word, is to be found not in connection to the ancestral spirits of yesteryear, in promises of a heavenly beyond, in achieving a transcendent state of inner peace, or even in letting go into a timeless present, but in fully embracing the emergent potential contained in the depths of an evolving cosmos.

Sunday, January 30, 2022

Thoughts 30 Jan 2022

 




Civilization is, by its very nature, a long-running Ponzi scheme. It lives by robbing nature and borrowing from the future, exploiting its hinterland until there is nothing left to exploit, after which it implodes. While it still lives, it generates a temporary and fictitious surplus that it uses to enrich and empower the few and to dispossess and dominate the many. Industrial civilization is the apotheosis and quintessence of this fatal course. A fortunate minority gains luxuries and freedoms galore, but only by slaughtering, poisoning, and exhausting creation. So we bequeath you a ruined planet that dooms you to a hardscrabble existence, or perhaps none at all.
In addition to my stroll through McGilchrist's The Matter with Things (the most recent installment below), I'm going to add a stroll through Ophuls's Apologies to the Grandchildren: Reflections on Our Ecological Predicament, Its Deeper Causes, & Its Political Consequences. It consists of strong words from a wise elder. I think we ignore his warnings at our peril.


The narrow-beam, precisely focussed, piecemeal attention of the left hemisphere, aimed at a particular object of interest, is, as we have seen, the kind paid by an animal locking onto its prey. In humans the left hemisphere is designed for grasping, controls the right hand with which we grasp (as well as those aspects of language which enable us to say we have ‘grasped’ something – pinned it down) and helps us manipulate, rather than understand, the world. It sees little, but what it does see seems clear. It is confident, tends to be black and white in its judgments, and jumps to conclusions. Since it is serving the predator in us, it has to if it is to succeed. It sees a linear relationship between the doer and the ‘done to’, between arrow and target.

There is nothing about the hemispheres that is symmetrical. . . . [T]he idea that there is no significant difference is simply a non-starter. It’s just a question of what the differences are – and why they are there.

Your Life claimed that the secret to longevity rested in breathing through the nose as well as a healthy dose of temperature variation. [19th-century explorer of the American West & native Indian culture, George] Catlin encouraged people to train themselves to sleep with their mouths closed, arguing that the nose is a natural filter of pathogens.

We have, in fact, a proposal for three schemas of historical explanation, without having been shown how the first two are incorporated into the third one. Moreover, an important scattering factor appears on the causal level. In a properly analytic approach, we are led to distinguish between “external” factors (climate, technology, etc.) and “internal” ones (motives, reasons, etc.), without being able to say which are “causes” and which are “effects.” An integrating factor appears to be lacking here, whose importance and perhaps unavoidability are indicated by ideologies.
Ricoeur should have read his Collingwood more carefully. Collingwood recognizes--indeed emphasizes--the distinction between "external" & "internal" factors (between "events" and "actions" in Collingwood's parlance). Collingwood argues that by "re-enacting" the thought behind the acts (i.e., the thoughts that guide and prompt the actions), we know the causes.